Politics 177 (Spring 2004): America and the
World
Week 2: Idealist Roots--Religion and Liberalism
4/6: The Great Awakenings and
Free Enterprise as American ideology and nationalism
"What distinguishes
the worst architect from the best of bees is this, that the architect
raises his structure in imagination before he erects it in
reality. At the end of every labour-process, we get a result that
already existed in the imagination of the labourer at its
commencement." (Karl Marx, Capital. vol 1., ch. 7)
"God does not play dice with the
universe." (Albert Einstein)
I. What is "idealism?"
Idealism<-----> Power &
Authority<----> Materialism
1. Idealism
is used in
language and politics in a number of different ways: as imagining a
better world and how to achieve it; as arguing that human nature can be
constantly improved; as explaining material outcomes as the consequence
of fictitious or imaginary processes
2. Idealism is often linked to ideology
. According to Michael Hunt (p. 12), ideologies are "integrated and coherent systems of
symbols, values and beliefs" which arise from socially
established structures of meaning associated with culture (according to
Clifford Geertz).
3. It is commonplace to view ideologies as a form of "false
consciousness," that is, a set of integrated beliefs and behaviors that
obscure the true condition of reality and the world. Those who
are "ideological" are either deluded or are deluding others.
4. This is not a correct view of ideology: it is a social construction,
similar to a discourse, that provides a framework for understanding and
explaining events and behaviors and guidelines for how one should
behave and act.
5. A third term that appears frequently is ideas. An idea is a
cause-effect statement that links an explanation of a relationship to
the actions necessary to achieve specific outcomes. Ideas are
similar to theories, although they are also social constructions that
can be difficult to "prove."
II. Idealism is strongly linked to the
material world
1. To speak of "idealism" is not to say that it has no connection to
materiality. Although Marx argued that social relations are
determined by relations of production, it is not correct to argue that
the material world somehow determines how people think about it, how
they relate to each other, and how they behave.
2. But it is entirely possible for a society to adopt belief systems
that do not seem to be linked to the material world as we might explain
it. Religion has this character.
3. Religion sets up a transcendent (external to society) authority or
power responsible for creating the world, for deciding its future, for
passing judgement on individuals, and for bringing the world to a
close. Religion provides the world and people's lives with
purpose, direction, and goals. Religion is teleological, non-falsifiable, and dependent on faith.
4. As we know, one does not need religion to explain material or social
relations--but then one runs into the difficult question: "Why are we
here?" Einstein, finding the implications of quantum theory not
to his liking, said, "God does not play dice with the universe."
But what if he was wrong?
5. The point here is that idealism provides both an explanation of
order and how people must behave in order to achieve, maintain, restore
social order. Social hierarchies are based on idealism, as
well, although they have very real material effects (see Hunt, ch. 2).
III. Religion has played a major role
in the construction of the United States
1. Although we now regard the U.S. as being a fairly diverse
place, the belief systems that underpin American society have their
roots in a 400 year history of religious development and change.
At the same time, capitalism emerged, spread and changed, interacting
with religions and belief systems.
2. The McLoughlin book provides an overview of what are called the
"Great Awakenings." He described five of them--one which took
place in England during the 17th century; a second during the middle of
the 18th century; two during the 19th century; and a fifth that, he
suggests, began around 1960.
3. Each of these Great Awakenings involved a broad religious revival
through evangelicalism, changes in the structure of specific religious
doctrines and practices, and concomittant impacts on the politics of
the country. They also had impacts on the relationship between
American society and the rest of the world. The ultimate objectives of
Protestantism during these Great Awakenings is to hasten the return of
Jesus Christ and the Kingdom he will establish.
4. McLoughlin takes a largely sociological approach to explaining the
Great Awakenings: they arise during periods of growing stress and
disjunctures between the practices of groups of people--conflicts
develop between "conservatives," who want to return to the old ways and
protect their status and belongings, and "innovators," who want to
transform practices and beliefs to reflect new status conditions.
5. He alludes frequently to the economic underpinnings of these Great
Awakenings, but tends to slide over them, for fear, perhaps, of being
accused of "materialism." Yet, it is striking that each of the
Great Awakenings is associated with a period of conspicuous change in
the organization and operation of capitalism.
IV. Industrial revolutions,
social change, and social conflict
1. Capitalism is socially-disruptive: as Marx said, "all that is
solid melts into air." As capital is deployed to generate new
forms of production and foster accumulation, it also forces changes in
social organization. Customs and traditions no longer enable
people to earn their livings in conventional ways; families,
communities, countries are torn apart.
1610-1640
1730-1760
1800-1830
1890-1920
1975-present
Puritan
Revitalization-----------> 1st Great Awakening------------> 2nd
GA------------>3rd GA------------>4th GA
Capitalism emerges
------------> North America integrated------> 1st
industrial-----> 2nd industrial--->3rd industrial
into global trade
networks
revolution
revolution
revolution
Puritan &
Glorious--------------->Seven Years War/ French-------> War of
1812/---->Spanish-Am. war/---> Cold War/
Revolutions
& Indian War/ Am. Revolution
U.S. expansion WW I (&
II)
Vietnam
2.
The Puritans and the many other religious groups and sects that
emigrated from Europe and England early in the 17th century were
fleeing from social systems in which capitalism was beginning to make
deep inroads. In England, Puritanism emerged as a reaction
against corruption and power in the Anglican Church, and was adopted by
members of the emerging bourgeoisie who sought to protect their growing
wealth and position (see McLoughling, pp. 26-27). In North
America, they were able to create societies reflecting their ideas of
social organization, including early capitalist relations.
2. The Second Great Awakening, during the second and third
quarters of the 18th century, culminated in the American
Revolution. It emerged in response to the entrenchment of elite
hierarchies and the growing development of agricultural production in
American society. At this point, North America was becoming more
deeply integrated into the world economy and growing wealth and trade
were setting up contradictions with the beliefs of the Puritans.
3. The Third Great Awakening, from about 1825 to the Civil War,
corresponds closely to the First Industrial Revolution, Westward
expansion and conquest, the growth of cities, large-scale immigration
of Irish Catholics and others.
4. The Fourth Great Awakening, from 1890 to the 1920s, dovetails with
the emergence of the great corporate cartels (such as Standard Oil),
agricultural crises and economic depressions between 1870 and 1900,
electrification, mass production (Fordism), and large-scale immigration
from Eastern Europe, of both Catholics and Jews.
5. Finally, the Fifth Great Awakening, which McLoughlin dates from
1960, but which probably began in earnest around 1975, is linked to the
transition from Fordism to the so-called Information Revolution, which
we are still in the midst of today.
6. The Great Awakenings and Industrial Revolutions are correlated--the
causal relationship is much more difficult to tease out, but there are
reciprocal effects. What is more important, perhaps, is the link
between these cycles and belief in the American mission.
V. Religion and the American Mission
1. The Protestant religions of North America saw their societies as
exemplars to the world: a "shining city on the hill"--the new
Jerusalem, constructed by the new chosen people. As the world
came to recognize this example, it would follow, thereby hastening the
return of Christ and the Millennium
2. In early times, this vision was not backed by any effort to bring
the light to the rest of the world. Puritanism and Calvinism
believed in predestination and did not think that either individuals or
groups could effect their own salvation. One's success in life
indicated that one was of the elect--destined to be saved.
3. By the time of the Second Great Awakening, however, the doctrine of
personal conversion and salvation had replaced predestination.
Now, the individual could come to Christ and God and be saved.
This is the source of the Protestant Ethic about which Weber wrote (see
next week). Personal salvation and personal success are
inextricably linked.
4. The implication of this was that others could be converted and
saved, and the American Mission now became an active one: not example
but missionary to the world. The linkage of salvation and success
provides a key connection to contemporary beliefs in the virtues of
free enterprise and the market.
VI. Liberalism and the American
Mission
1. "Liberalism" in this context refers to economic liberalism, that is,
capitalist economic systems, in which there is no central authority,
individuals engage in exchange in markets, supply and demand determine
prices, and so on.
2. The capitalist entrepreneur is one who, having formulated an
attractive "idea"--such as the better mousetrap--markets it and becomes
rich. She then reinvests her wealth in other capitalist
enterprises, providing jobs to workers and opportunities to other
entrepreneurs. In this way, the individual achieves "election"
through faith in the system, adherence to the rules, and hard work.
3. The successful capitalist is both an exemplar and a missionary
(think Donald Trump): anyone can become fabulously wealthy, the
fabulously wealthy believe this, and they have a stake in encouraging
others to believe this.
4. A society in which such success is possible is also one in which
utility and happiness is maximized. People are too busy getting
rich to get into fights about politics or power; they compete in the
market but their competition is friendly and peaceful. The United
States is such a society.
5. Therefore, if other societies were like the United States--if they
could be converted to the benefits and virtues of free markets--they
would be peaceful, rich and happy. In other words, the
expansionist tendency is meant to improve the world and bring a liberal
utopia into being. This sounds a lot like a religion and, indeed,
economic liberalism
is our secular religion.
VI. Idealism as a force in
U.S. foreign policy
1. Ideas have consequences; idealism leads to actions
that have real, material effects and consequences. But these are
not always what are predicted by beliefs, ideas, and idealism.
Our understanding of social cause and effect is not a science, no
matter what political scientists might suggest.
2. It is not, therefore, that idealists are mislead or
misinformed. It is that they allow hope to trump prudence.
3. We can see the consequences of idealism in the current situation in
Iraq. The error is not that the Iraqis did not welcome the change
of government; it was to believe that all Iraqis would welcome such a
change, and all Iraqis would accept rule by the United States.
The construction of a capitalist democracy in Iraq is not impossible,
but neither is it a simple matter.
4/8: Race, class, ethnicity and gender in
politics and foreign policy
I. What
do we mean by these terms?
(See, especially, chapter 2 of the Michael Hunt book)
1. Race,
racialization, racism are all beliefs and practices based on the
idea that there exists a natural (or divine) hierarchy based on skin
color (a material
factor). This hierarchy was first based on religious texts; later
on Social Darwinism and other scientistic practices; more recently, in
terms of economic competitiveness. Race is not a biological category;
there is greater genetic difference within "races" than between them,
as a whole. Racialization
then becomes the basis for policies and practices that distinguish
among and discriminate against those who are not white Europeans.
Racism is the individualized
and institutionalized practices that follow from the application of
racialization.
2. Class is a distinction
most commonly associated with Marx's writings on labor and capital, in
which the latter owns the means of production while the former has only
labor to sell. This is an idealized distinction, inasmuch as even
in the 19th century, societies were sociologically much more
complicated than this. Class is, in part, a consequence of the
division of labor within a society, which is rarely determined merely
by the skills and capital possessed by individuals. More often,
there are group histories that limit some to particular vocations and
positions of relative weakness, while others engage in professional
practices and have high degrees of power. The resulting class
differences are often explained on the basis of racial or ethnic
difference. (Consider the Hindu caste system as an example of
class differences.)
3. Ethnicity posits
distinction based on the imagined historically-ancient origins and
characteristics of groups or nations. These can have to do with
myth, land, religion, language, customs and traditions, and racial
characteristics. Ethnicity becomes the basis for nationalism and
nation-building, but it can also be used as a means of excluding some
groups or relegating them to particular occupational niches. As
can be seen in, for example, the economic and social hierarchies of the
United States--Korean greengrocers, Cambodian doughnut shops, white
CEOs, Mexican farmworkers--these hierarchies are not fixed but they
have long lifetimes.
4. Gender is not biological
sex; rather, it rests on beliefs about behaviors, roles and
characteristics that originate as a result of particular sexual
proclivities. It is also the basis for the patriarchal domination
of the household, laws that discriminate against women and homosexuals,
and images and practices that suffuse both daily life, military
affairs, and strategic theory. According to Joan Scott, Gender does
not mean fixed or natural physical differences between men and women,
rather gender is the knowledge that establishes meanings for bodily
differences that vary across cultures, social groups, and time.
5. All of these concepts, as beliefs and practices, serve to stabilize
and normalize various relations of power, relations that are usually
discriminatory. See, for example, Hunt, p. 48.
II. Why
call race, class, ethnicity and gender
forms of idealism?
1. Idealism
has to do with explaining cause and effect in social relations as a
result of imagined
factors. Again, we tend to regard idealism as, somehow, detached
from material reality, as a distorted picture of how the world "really
is." But this is too scientific and empiricist a view: it
suggests a crude form of material determinism. Idealism can work
in both positive and negative ways; it can provide the energy for
social activism or it can legitimize political hierarchy. And
remember: ideas have material
consequences.
2. We select out these particular concepts because today they are all
associated with negative, and often deadly, forms of social
relations. They violate widely held beliefs in justice, peace and
human well-being, and we tend to think that, if only we can eliminate
these beliefs and associated practices, the result will be a more fair,
just and peaceful society and world.
3. Eliminating from U.S. society both the idealism and
materialism associated with, for example, race, has not been an easy
proposition. The movement to abolish slavery began in England
toward the end of the 18th century. As an idea, it made very slow
progress in the United States before the Civil War. It was the
basis for European and American imperialism during the second half of
the 19th century. Severe discrimination against African-Americans
continued until the end of the 1960s. Even today, economic and
social discrimination have not been wholly eliminated, and race
continues to be institutionalized in politics and public policy (e.g.,
conflict over affirmative action). As Hunt points out (p. 52): "Rather than having to spend long hours
trying--perhaps inconclusively--to puzzle out the subtle pattern of
other cultures, the elite interested in policy had at hand in the
hierarchy of race a key to reducing other peoples and nations to
readily comprehensible and familiar terms."
4. A similar pattern can be seen in the current fight over same-sex
marriage, which pits beliefs and practices associated with gender and
class against each other.
III. How do they manifest in beliefs, practices and authority? The
homoerotics of U.S. foreign policy
"[This book] assumes that the process of
foreign policy decision does not and cannot exist in an abstract realm
of reasoned calculation of "national interest." Instead it
assumes that the men [sic]who
make the decisions are complex, socially constructed beings, who act
from a repertoire of possibilities that are a produce of their
experience. Foreign policy reason too, is thus culturally
constructed and reproduced; a full analysis demands an account of the
formative patterns of class and gender among the policymakers." (Robert
Dean, Imperial Brotherhood,
2001, p. 3)
"The term 'ideology of masculinity'
refers to the cultural system of prescription and proscription that
organizes the 'performance' of an individual's role in society, that
draws boundaries around the social category of manhood, and that can be
used to legitimate power and privilege... An ideology of masculinity
is, in this sense, a subset of a larger 'gender discourse'--a symbolic
system of meaning by which social relations of power and privilege are
rendered 'natural' and transparent by reference to sexual biology, a
supposedly fundamental and unquestionable set of relationships." (Dean,
op cit, p. 5).
1. The Manly State: Think back on High Noon: Wil Kane is the
representative of the state and order; he is clean and upstanding (but
not a regular churchgoer), is married, he has been involved with other
women, his authority comes from the barrel of a gun. But he has
been seduced by the feminine side--commerce and household--and is
almost carried away until he realizes that it means male death.
His enemies are the antithesis of the manly state, although they are
not feminized. Kane kills them, retains his masculine dignity
after saving Amy from the predators, and leaves the town on his own
terms--not at the urging of the "soft" businessmen. Helen
Ramirez, who represents the corruption of the female ideal and the
feminine household--not only is she a businesswomen, she is Mexican,
conspiratorial, and wanton--is also driven out of town. Kane is
the symbol of the "Manly state."
2. Protecting the
vulnerable: As
Hunt points out (in ch. 3), race, class and gender are often combined
in foreign policy debates and practices. The United States is
counterpoised against "Others" who are depicted as poor, uncivilized,
ignorant, violent, weak, duplicitous and male. These men engage
in
sneak attacks, are predatory on women, children, property and capital,
and represent the face of anarchy and chaos. The U.S., by contrast, is
an honorable, upstanding, Christian, virile, strong male who respects
the honor of women and property. Hence, it falls to the U.S. to
protect those who are vulnerable to predation--that is, women and
property.
3. The Lavender Scare:
Between about 1946 and 1960, there was a concerted campaign to root
homosexuals out of the U.S. government. This campaign was linked
to
the Red Scare, and homosexuals were often equated with
communists. The
CIA, whose predecessor, the OSS, had been heavily staffed by anti-Nazi
Ivy Leaguers, came under attack for its liberal and "soft" tendencies,
while the State Department, heavily staffed by members of the so-called
Eastern liberal elite, was also a target. Many of the attackers
were
mid-Western and West Coast populists and land grant university
graduates who resented the power and bearing of these elites, and
accusing them of perversion was one means of removing them from
power. See Dean, pp. 107, 116.
4. Male bonding and gender conflict
in the military: The military puts a high priority on
controlling sexual tension within the ranks. Sexual energy and
hatred must be directed outward, against the enemy, rather than being
dissipated in actual sexual relations. At the same time, soldiers
must be willing to sacrifice themselves for their comrades and
country. Bonding and intense loyalty magnifies sexual energy and
desire which, in the heat of battle, motivates manly behavior, such as
feats of derring-do and killing. That is why gays and women pose
such problems for military discipline: they offer men a sexual outlet
for their energy, and this would divert their commitments to comrades
and hatred for the enemy.
5. Gender and nuclear
deterrence (see the Carol Cohn article). Nuclear
deterrence theory is premised upon a set of beliefs about human
psychology, particularly the fear of death. But the fear of death
is not "manly" and, therefore, discussions are articulated in gendered
terms, where the sexuality of weapons and tactics become denatured ways
of dealing with the anxieties of discussing mass destruction. To
speak in a manly fashion thus becomes the rhetorical equivalent of
strategic violation of the other, who is imagined as a woman.
6. Images of Iraq in the media...