Politics 177 (Spring 2004): America and the World

Week 5/6: Constructing the Cold War Empire

4/29: The Strategic Superstructure

I. Strategy and Geography

1. Geopolitics in theory and practice:
In 1904, Halford Mackinder delivered a talk to the Royal Geographical Society called "The Geographical Pivot of History."  In this talk (and essay), he laid out the essentials of an emerging field of study and strategy called "geopolitics."  This discipline is based on the notion that "The geographic factor in world history is the most fundamental because it is the most constant" (Sempa, p. 1).  In others words, people come and go, nations rise and fall, and technologies evolve, but the land never changes.  Mackinder is best remembered for his dictum (or doggeral), " Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island; who rules the World-Island commands the World."  Mackinder claimed not to be a geographic determinist, but it others used his geopolitics to reify geography.

2. Geopolitics in World War II: World War II, in particular, seemed to validate his dictum.  After all, Nazi German came to control East Europe and it tried to conquer Russia and the World-Island.  In this instance, the states of the "inner" and "outer" crescents were able to defeat Germany's bid for global empire, but only at the price of leaving the Soviet Union in control of the World-Island.  Mackinder's followers identified an inner circle of countries around the Heartland as "shatter zones," that is, regions where the Heartland Power and the Crescent Powers clashed.  For the most part, these were the developing countries of the Middle East and Asia, where most of the proxy wars of the next 50 years took place.

3. Geopolitics and the Cold War:
Geopolitics became the defining material component of the Cold War.  As a major military power, the Soviet Union's control of Eastern Europe, and its location in the center of the Pivot Area, appeared to make it well-placed to strike out in any direction in order to make its bid for world empire: to the West lay Europe, one of the five great centers of industrial power, to the East was China and Japan, another industrial center.  To the South were warm water ports, oil, and Africa, all of which could provide the means to break through the crescent and expand via the World Ocean.

4. Geopolitics as idealism: Although geopolitics appears to be based on sound material principles and analysis, it is better understood as a form of idealism.  To be sure, geography has an influence on human affairs, but only to the extent that humans act on geography, through culture, politics and technology.  Thus, the presence of oil in the Middle East does not "attract" states who do not use it.  Geography becomes an element in planning for war and prosecuting it.  Since states are thought always to be planning for war, geography becomes and element in peacetime activities.  But people have a funny way of defying what appear to be determinate features of geography.

II. The Origins of Containment

1. The end of the Grand Alliance:
By the end of 1946, it might be said, the Allied alliance of World War II had collapsed.  Many American policymakers never quite adjusted to the idea of being allied to the Soviet Union, regarding Germany as a bulwark against Bolshevism and more closely tied in cultural terms to the Anglo-Saxon countries.  At Yalta, Churchill and Stalin divided up Europe, a step that appeared to Americans to be a reversion to the policy of restrictive empires.  A part of the end-of-war diplomacy, Stalin made demands in keeping with a view of realpolitik: influence in Iran, free passage from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, a hand in China and Japan, as well as Eastern Europe.  And, while the U.S. demobilized its armed forces and sent them home, the USSR did not (to be sure, there were few jobs or opportunities available back home). The Americans and British saw these as unreasonable and indicative of a Soviet desire to expand.  Was the USSR acting as an expansionist power or a defensive one?

2. George Kennan and the Long Telegram:
In the classified Long Telegram, and the "Mr. X" article in Foreign Affairs, "The Sources of Soviet Conduct," George Kennan made an attempt to analyze Soviet psychology and motivations and to infer, from that, what Stalin might do and how he might be "contained."  Kennan advocated specific and sustained pressure, in an effort to effect domestic change in the USSR and to wait out the eventual collapse of the regime.   His analysis crystallized the incoherent observations, concerns and fears adrift in Washington, and containment was seized on as the means of response.  This came in the form of using the atomic bomb as a means of real or threatened coercion as well as the acquisition of bases around the Soviet perimeter.

3. The Triple Whammy of 1949-50:
Between August 1949 and June 1950, three things happened which convinced Washington that Communism was expanding relentlessly and World War Three was imminent.  First, the Soviets detonated their first atomic bomb, thus ending the American nuclear monopoly.  Second, in December 1949, the Chinese Communists entered Beijing and took control of China, while the Nationalists fled to Taiwan as well as Burma and Thailand.  On June 25, 1950, North Korea invaded the South and rapidly occupied most of the country.  Most people were certain that Moscow and Beijing had an active hand in this, the first step toward a Communist world empire.

4. NSC-68 and the militarization of U.S. politics:
This was the context in which NSC-68, written largely by Paul Nitze, became the blueprint for containment.  Oddly, when it was first presented to President Truman, he read it and sent it back to be revised.  Among other things, it proposed increasing the defense budget from $12 billion to about $50 billion (more than $500 billion in 2004 dollars), something that could not be done.  The Korean War, however, altered the strategic terrain, and Congress willingly voted the increase.  But even more oddly, most of that money did not go to Korea or to the French war in Indochina; instead, it went mostly to arm the European allies.  It also had the salutary effect of boosting the economy and solved the problem of how to get dollars into the hands of those most likely to buy American goods, especially military ones (more on this below and in the next lecture).  

III. Scaring the Hell Out of the American Public and Others

1. Securing the realm--the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan:
The primary problem after the end of World War II was not security but the economy.  Western Europe, in particular, was short of dollars with which to purchase American goods, and there were not enough goods and raw materials available from European countries and their colonies to provide the required dollars.  Both the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan were programs to funnel dollars abroad.  The Truman Doctrine directed about $500 million to Greece and Turkey to "fight Communism" while the Marshall Plan sent about $13 billion (almost $150 billion in 2004$) to rebuild Europe.  As we shall see, there was an economic logic to this, although historically both are presented as altruistic projects.

2. War scares and Red scares:
Fear of a repeat of the Great Depression was not enough to generate broad public support for increased defense spending and loans; war scares and fear of communism had to be thrown in.  As Senator Arthur Vandenberg told Truman prior to the latter's pronouncement of his eponymous doctrine: "Scare the hell out of the American public."  Between the Korean War, the Red Scare, the hydrogen bomb, and the bomber and missile gaps of the 1950s, the American public seemed ready to support almost anything, so long as it was essential to containment.

3. Planning for the end of the world:
Still, knowledge that we could blast the Soviet Union into smoking rubble in under two hours was not strategy; it was an atomic orgasm.  President Eisenhower's Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, authored the notion of "massive retaliation" which, in effect, threatened the end of the world "at a time and place of our own choosing" in response to any Soviet provocation.  This was a threat, many recognized, that could not be delivered.  As a result, Defense Department strategists and others worked long and hard to figure out how to "use" nuclear weapons.  The result was such a baroque system of weaponry, delivery systems, and programs that even those who advocated them did not always believe in them.

4. Missile madness:
This was most evident in the buildup of intercontinental ballistic missiles.  The Soviet launch of Sputnik in 1957 terrorized both the U.S. government and the American public, for it meant that the USSR could now deliver nuclear weapons to the other side of the world (that is, onto American cities).  In response, the U.S. launched an emergency ICBM program to meet what turned out to be an imagined "missile gap."  John Kennedy ran on this issue in 1960 and, even though the gap was fictional, and Richard Nixon knew it, the truth did not come out until 1961.  The Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962 was, in part, a result of the public announcement that the gap was in America's favor--Khrushchev decided to try to right the imbalance by putting the missiles in Cuba.

IV. Vietnam and Other Tales of the First Cold War

1. "Never get involved in a land war in Asia":
After the North Koreans almost took all of South Korea, the United States, leading UN forces, counter-attacked.  General Douglas MacArthur led an invasion at Inchon and drove the North Korean forces back almost all the way to the Chinese border.  At that point, Communist Chinese forces entered the war and drove the UN forces back to the south.  The war bogged down in stalemate around the 43rd parallel, about where the border had been before the war.  The lesson learned was to stay out of land wars in Asia.  That lesson was too late for U.S. involvement in Vietnam, which began even before the Korean War.

2. Peace in Europe, war around the edges:
Even as the NATO and Warsaw Pact forces faced each other across the East-West dividing line--a standoff that ended after 40 years without a shot being fired--proxy wars broke out along the margins.  In Vietnam, where U.S. forces came to replace the French, the war began around 1946 and did not end until 1975.  Between the exit of French forces in 1954, and the entry of American advisors in the late 1950s, there were a few years of relative peace, but containment of Communism eventually demanded that the U.S. make a major stand in Indochina.  By 1967, there were 500,000 U.S. troops in Vietnam; by 1972, more than 40,000 Americans and two million Vietnamese had died.  Other proxy wars--Angola, Mozambique, Central America, Afghanistan-- broke out and continued until well into the 1990s.

3. The Nixon Doctrine:
In 1968, Richard Nixon ran for President promising a secret plan to end the Vietnam War.  In fact, he had no plan except to try to force the North into peace negotiations.  At the same time, he announced that, henceforth, the U.S. would rely on its allies to contain enemies and fight wars, and would provide financial and military assistance to this end.  In Vietnam, it was called "Vietnamization"; in the Persian Gulf, the Nixon Doctrine.  But, in the end, U.S. air power and aid was not enough to save South Vietnam and, in April 1975, it fell to the forces of North Vietnam.  Laos and Cambodia followed not long thereafter.

4. The Fall of Kissinger:
The Nixon Doctrine was part of Henry Kissinger's effort to normalize relations with both China and the Soviet Union.  As noted before, detente with the USSR and rapproachment with the Peoples Republic of China were his version of realpolitik, an effort to create a three-way balance of power that recognized the interests of all three powers.  It also helped that Chinese-Soviet relations were very poor, a result of their falling out in the late 1950s and several cross-border military battles in the late 1960s.  But in the context of the economic problems of the 1970s, detente appeared to some a sign of weakness rather than prudence, and Kissinger was attacked from both left and right.  Many thought he deserved to fall, and some called him a "war criminal" for the actions of the United States in Indochina.

IV. The Return of the Cold War

1. Strategic nuclear parity and "Team B": The Committee on the Present Danger was a revival of an older group of the same name, established in the 1950s.  It consisted of those who we today call "neoconservatives," who were reacting to the social upheavals of the 1960s and 1970s, the apparent waning of U.S. authority in the face of economic crisis, and what they believed to be rapid growth in Soviet military power.  Under pressure from the CPD, President Ford appointed a "Team B" to evaluate CIA data on Soviet power (the CIA was "Team A").  Team B recalculated the numbers and claimed that the USSR was devoting a much higher fraction of its national income to defense than was the United States, and would sooner or later surpass America.  This, coupled with growing numbers and power of Soviet nuclear missiles created what was called a "Window of Vulnerability," through which the enemy might jump and Finlandize Europe and even America. 

2. The conversion of Jimmy Carter and the Iran hostage crisis:  Carter resisted the pressures of the CPD, but during the last two years of his term, turned into a New Cold Warrior.  The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the collapse of the Shah's regime in Iran, and the Iranian hostage crisis made him a late convert to the supposedly growing Soviet threat.  In 1980, he was unable to be more of a Cold Warrior than Ronald Reagan, who won the election and went on to oversee the major military buildup started by Carter.

3. The fight for Afghanistan:
In geopolitical terms, Afghanistan came to be seen as a new "pivot point."  While the Soviets went in to assist a "fraternal marxist regime," the West saw the continuation of the old Russian desire for a warm water port, from which it could "break out" into the World Ocean.  From there, the Middle East oil fields would be threatened, the Horn of Africa would become a source of attack on shipping lanes, and revolution in South Africa would eliminate Western access to critical strategic materials.  Given this calculus, the United States (along with Saudi Arabia and others) threw in billions of dollars to fund the Afghani Mujuhadeen who caused the Soviets enough pain to lead Mikhael Gorbachev to order withdrawal.  Whether this was a victory or not for the mujuhadeen, it created the infrastructure that laid waste to Afghanistan, resulted in the rise of the Taliban, and provided haven for Al Qaeda.  Some victory!

4. Ronald Reagan and the Evil Empire:
Reagan had two overriding goals as President.  First, to eliminate the welfare state through increased military spending, tax cuts, and massive budget deficits.  Second, to reassert American military superiority over the USSR.  To this end, the first few years of his Presidency involved a great deal of nuclear saber-rattling, and much public discomfort with the possibility of nuclear war.  Describing the USSR as an "evil empire" that would lie, cheat and steal, he made clear his wish to see it end up on the "ashheap of history."  The Republicans also tried to run the Soviet Union into bankruptcy although, in retrospect, it is clear that the USSR was already in deep economic trouble even during the 1970s. To defuse public anxiety over his nuclear policies, Reagan proposed the Strategic Defense Initiative, aka "Star Wars," which would provide an "impenetrable shield" against ballistic missiles.  The European peace movement was not much mollified by this, but in the United States, there was a significant decline in anti-nuclear activism.

5. The end comes quickly:
Once Mikhael Gorbachev became Chair of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1985, U.S.-Soviet relations began to warm up rather quickly.  Initially, the White House was very suspicious of Gorbachev but, eventually, his program to liberalize and open up the Soviet Union could not be denied.  At a summit in Reykjavik in 1986, Reagan and Gorbachev even agreed to make substantial nuclear reductions.  The Americans backed out, but the momentum for agreements was considerable.  By 1989, Gorbachev had announced the end of the Brezhnev Doctrine--the Soviet equivalent of the Monroe Doctrine--and the Berlin Wall came down.  The rest, as they say, was epilogue.

6. What ended the Cold War? Alternative explanations

i) The collapse of the Soviet economy

ii) The delegitimation of Communist Party rule in the USSR

iii) The arms race, especially SDI

iv) Or historical processes
(see, especially, the article on Marx and Schumpeter)

5/4: The Economic Substructure

I. Avoiding another Great Depression

1. The gold standard and international liquidity:
Between the two world wars, the industrialized world attempted to maintain a gold standard.  As was the case in the late 1800s, this tended to limit the international supply of hard currencies and consumer demand.  When the world's economies went into a chronic state of over-production of goods and commodities, while many did not have the gold or foreign exchange or access to credit to import goods, economies started to collapse.  This resulted in the closing off of fascist economies as well as the collapse of economies in democratic states.

2. No lender of last resort:
The problem, as it was analyzed decades later, was that there was no source of loans to states that were suffering from exchange shortages.  To conserve funds, these states imposed tariffs on imports, which dampened demand and led to surpluses.  American bankers were leery of making such loans, and the American government had not yet gotten into the business.  So, the Depression intensified and, according to the wisdom of the 1940s, was a direct cause of World War II. 

3. This means war!  In both Europe and Asia, Germany and Japan sought to establish autarchic systems in which they would trade industrial goods for raw materials and food with other states.  In Mitteleuropa, Germany set up such arrangements with Eastern European states while, in Japan, the same applied in the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.  Fearing that the U.S. would be shut out of Asia, the U.S. began to put economic pressure on Japan, eventually including an oil embargo.  The result was the attack on Pearl Harbor and U.S. entry into the war.

4. Structural power and the American Mission:
What became obvious during the war, especially to economists such as John Maynard Keynes, was that the United States would be in a unique position to dictate the structure of the international economy after the war.  As the only country largely undamaged by the war, and the supplier of a potential "reserve currency" that could be used by others to buy U.S. goods, other countries would largely be subordinate to American desires and visions.

II. Economy and the Cold War

1. The problem of the post-war dollar shortage:
The immediate problem after the war was getting dollars into the hands of foreign governments and consumers.  Many countries held balances of British pounds sterling, but the UK was broke and had little to sell to these countries, who were very interested in acquiring industrial goods.  At the end of the war, the British asked the United States for a $500 million loan (about $5-10 billion in 2004$) that would allow it to support the pound and, it was hoped, encourage the continued holding of sterling.  In the event, the funds were depleted within months, and sterling became a "soft" currency again.  The European currencies were also "soft," and could only be used in barter arrangements between countries.  Some way had to be found to provide Europe with the dollars that would make reconstruction possible, and increase exports of American goods.

2. The Bretton Woods objectives:
The Bretton Woods system was designed with this liquidity problem in mind.  Its four major components were each intended to lubricate international trade.  The International Monetary Fund was to provide loans to rectify short-term trade imbalances; the World Bank was to provide loans for industrial reconstruction in Europe; the International Trade Organization (ITO, later replaced by the GATT) was to provide a multilateral forum within which bilateral trade agreements and most-favored nation status could be negotiated, with an eye toward freer trade; and the exchange system was intended to fix exchange rates so that countries did not have to accumulate dollars in order to import goods.  VIRTUALLY NONE OF THESE INSTITUTIONS FUNCTIONED AS INTENDED UNTIL WELL INTO THE 1950s.

3.
The Berlin Crisis: The Western Powers recognized that European industrial reconstruction would not occur until Germany was rebuilt and integrated into Western Europe.  Toward this end, in 1947, Britain, France and the U.S. decided to introduce a currency reform in their occupation zones ("Trizonia"), exchanging new Deutschmarks for old Reichsmarks.  The Russians refused to participate and, fearing that a flood of old currency would destabilize their zone, restricted access to Berlin and what would later become East Germany.  This blockade, intended to undo the currency reform, led to both the Berlin Airlift and the Marshall Plan.  The United States suggested that it might use atomic weapons to halt the blockade, too, but the Russians eventually backed down.

4. Providing liquidity through grants, loans and aid:
But the model was set--between the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan, more than $12 billion was loaned or granted to countries in Western Europe, Greece, and Turkey, matched by internal sources of investment from the Marshall Plan countries.  Even this was not enough and, as noted earlier, it was not until the outbreak of the Korean War and the provision of military aid that the international supply of dollars became large enough to supply the needs of the world.  The European currencies did not become fully convertible until 1958 and, by then, the world was beginning to suffer from a dollar glut.

5. Point IV--Third World Development:
The Truman Administration also looked to developing sources of raw materials and markets in the former colonies of Europe.  In his 1948 Inaugural Address, he announced Point IV, a program of U.S. aid and assistance directed toward "development."  Part of the idea here was that these countries could sell commodities to the U.S. in return for dollars, they would use the dollars to buy consumer goods from Europe, and the Europeans would then have currency to buy industrial goods from the United States.  This "triangular trade" was particularly important with respect to France, and provided one impetus for American military support to the French war in Indochina from about 1948 to 1954.

III. Vietnam interlude

1. The Vietnam War illustrates the intersection between economy and strategy:
As noted above, support for French reoccupation of Indochina was premised on the desire to gain access to raw materials and to inject dollars into the international economy.  This conflicted, of course, with the supposed U.S. commitment to decolonization--divide and conquer--which would allow American funding of Point IV and Third World development.  Between about 1946 and 1952, the U.S. provided France with more than $2 billion in assistance in fighting in Vietnam, to no avail.

2. Between 1954 and 1970, anticommunist idealism drove American intervention:
After their defeat at Dien Bein Phu in 1954, the French withdrew to the southern part of Vietnam and, at the Geneva Conference of that year, it was agreed that, by 1956, there would be elections throughout Vietnam.  Recognizing that Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Minh (forerunners of the Viet Cong) would win such an election, the U.S. refused to hold them and, instead, put Ngo Dinh Diem, a Northern Catholic, in office as President of South Viet Nam.  This backfired as Diem sought to wipe out communists in the South and triggered an uprising that quickly drew in the North.  In this context, the U.S. began to send in military advisors, all in the name of stopping communism, and especially "Red Chinese expansion," in Southeast Asia.  The war expanded until there were more than 500,000 U.S. troops there.

3. After 1970, the U.S. attempted to extricate itself through "Vietnamization" and detente:
The Nixon Administration sought "peace with honor."  This meant making it appear as though the U.S. had not cut and run.  Through bombing of the North, Nixon and Kissinger tried to force peace negotiations.  Eventually, these began in Paris, in 1972 (they could have begun in 1968, but the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia made it impossible).  The U.S. was, meanwhile, reducing troop strength and providing air cover and equipment for ARVN forces, who proved largely unable to prevent gains by the communist forces.  Nixon's trip to China, and detente, were intended, in part, to reduce Soviet and Chinese aid to the North--this had little effect on the outcome: in April 1975, South Vietnam fell and the country was unified.  Cambodia and Laos were take over by communist regimes shortly thereafter.  But no other dominoes fell.

4. Vietnam hastened the economic crisis of the 1970s (see below).
Part of the reason for pulling out of Vietnam was to reduce spending and the flow of dollars out of the country.  Ironically, the war in Vietnam played a role not only in the end of the Bretton Woods exchange system but also in the energy crisis of the 1970s. 

IV. The dollar glut

1. How the gold exchange standard operated:
The international economic system was based on a system in which the dollar was the reserve currency, and was backed by gold, at $35 per ounce.  While U.S. citizens were not permitted to hold gold or gold currency, others were, and governments could redeem their dollars for gold from Fort Knox.  The hope was that, knowing such redemption was possible at any time, governments would not feel the need to ask for gold.  This meant that more dollars could circulate than there was gold to back them up (about $10 billion worth).

2. The Triffin Dilemma:
The problem was, as an economist named Robert Triffin pointed out, that as the number of dollars in international trade and exchange grew, the fraction of each dollar actually covered by gold declined.  There was no domestic source of gold to add to reserves, and new gold from abroad was limited.  This mattered only if some government demanded its gold, for then others governments, fearing a devaluation of the dollar, might do the same.  A run on U.S. gold reserves would turn the dollar into worthless paper, and precipitate a new global depression.  What to do?

3. Vietnam and inflation:
The situation was exacerbated by escalation of the Vietnam War in 1965.  Fighting the war cost about $20 billion per year ($150-odd billion in 2004$), and President Johnson did not want to ask for a tax increase in order to finance the war and sop up the increased money supply.  Altogether, the war pumped about $200 billion into the international economy, and triggered a bout of inflation that, by the end of the 1970s, was in the range of 10-15% per year.

4. Going off gold:
The French government, under President DeGaulle, was not happy about the dollar glut and, in 1968, began to ask for its gold.  Fearing that such demands would begin to deplete the gold supply in Fort Knox, the Nixon Administration devalued the dollar to $42/ounce in 1970 and, two years later, suspended convertibility entirely.  From that point on, the dollar floated against other currencies, and it was no longer backed by gold.  This was the beginning of the accumulation crisis of the 1970s, during with the Bretton Woods system of "embedded liberalism" essentially collapsed, to be eventually replaced by "neo-liberalism."

5. The Nixon Doctrine and the energy crisis:
The oil crisis of 1973 was linked to the dollar crisis of 1970.  Under the Nixon Doctrine, the Iran was to become the regional "policeman" to protect American oil interests in the Persian Gulf.  Nixon and Kissinger saw this as a means of reducing U.S. military expenditures, replacing British military power which had been withdrawn from the Gulf a few years earlier, and recycling some oil revenues through sale of U.S. armaments to the Shah.  To finance these purchases, the Shah demanded a small increase in oil prices; the U.S. agreed, but in the negotiations between the oil companies and oil-producing countries, the latter found it possible to impose much larger price increases, on the order of $1-2 per barrel.  Toward the end of 1973, in the wake of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, OPEC was able to increase the price of oil to $12/barrel.  This, of course, had all kinds of unforeseen impacts on the international economy and America's structural power (more on this in a couple of weeks).

IV. Accumulation crisis

1. The end of the golden age:
The most critical point--and one that will be developed next week--is that the West was undergoing a structural crisis of capitalism at this time (1970-80).  The period between 1950 and 1970 had been a kind of "golden age": vibrant economies, cheap oil, extensive trade.  It was also the height of the welfare state.  By 1970, however, things began to go sour.  Innovation stalled, profit rates declined, social costs soared.  The crisis was visible, in particular, in the UK, where industrial unions clashed with capital and the government, eventually bringing the economy to bankruptcy--staved off in 1976 only by an IMF structural adjustment loan--and the eventual fall of Labour in 1978.

2. The rise of neo-liberalism: What came to be called "Thatcherism"--after Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher--was what we today call "neo-liberalism."  It is an ideology whose origins can be found in Adam Smith's political economy, as refined by Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, and implemented globally under Ronal Reagan.  In essence, the ideology involved, first, the elimination of all possible social costs to capital, in terms of regulated wages, social welfare costs, and bureaucracy; and second, the transformation of the state into a much more active agent of capital, through elimination of certain forms of regulation and the more favorable structuring of the political economy.  Thatcherism also reified the individual, entrepreneurialism, and private property  As we shall see next week, this is all somewhat ironic in view of the growing amalgamation of capital, in the form of transnational corporations, that has taken place under this new "regime of accumulation."